Swaziland from a European perspective

If you bring up Swaziland in a conversion in Europe, most people will　either look puzzled or mutter something unconvincing about a peaceful kingdom bordering South Africa.

This is because most Europeans who　have actually been to Swaziland have done so superficially, as　 tourists visiting the country for a couple of days. What they have　seen here are the exuberant malls, good roads, and flawless tourist facilities. There is, however, a different Swaziland, where over two thirds of the population survive for less than a Dollar　a day, where over 40 per cent are HIV-positive, and where the population at　large are suppressed by a combination of traditional feudal　structures and values, brutal police forces, and a tiny but filthy rich elite.

Swaziland’s democratic movement, led by the Swaziland United　Democratic Front and the Swaziland Democracy Campaign, are trying to　mobilise people to change all of this. How difficult their task is has　been obvious during the last week of protest action where local and　 foreign activists (myself included)　 have been arbitrarily arrested,　beaten up and detained for simply wanting to hold a peaceful protest.　This has proved beyond doubt how small the political space in　Swaziland is.

There is not much help to be had from the international community or　the international press either, although last weeks police brutality has produced the odd article in Western newspapers. The Swazi regime　is more or less backed by the IMF, the World Bank and the EU, who probably desists from criticising Swaziland because the regime is　obviously neo-liberal and good at sending the right signals on　democracy, gender and participation, although looking at the policies　of the regime these signals are obviously only for external use. But　international pressure is a necessary part of any fight for democracy　and against dictatorship, as both South Africa and many of the wars of　independence in Africa prove. It is remarkable that the international　community sees fit to engage itself in the Zimbabwean crisis,　condemning Mugabe for the atrocities that he and his govt commit, while leaving the Swazi population to fight a no less　repressive government on their own.

Western Embassies and Foreign Ministries usually won’t commit themselves to putting any pressure whatsoever on repressive and brutal　regimes such as the one in Swaziland, especially if their governments　stand to gain from the status quo. And this is so even though many　politicians speak at length on the need for democracy and good　governance in Africa and how freedom must not be compromised. An illustrative example of the lack of will to intervene when it comes to Swaziland is American Foreign Secretary Hilary Clinton, who recently　stated that America wished to remain a full partner with Swaziland as　you seek to strengthen good governance and rule of law, and promote　economic development?

Swaziland’s African neighbours also seem reluctant to help.

South　Africa’s President Zuma has family ties and a good relationship with　Swaziland’s king, and although his vice president recently spoke　positively of an intervention in the country; it is a well-known fact　that no one in Southern Africa or the African Union wish to rock the　boat as democratic movements are known to spread.
But if politicians and others really mean what they say about paving　the way for freedom for the oppressed in Africa and else-where,　Swaziland is an obvious place to begin. Firstly, the country is　actually a middle-income country where an extremely high income　inequality is only upheld by a suppressive, autocratic monarc-hic　regime. Create real democratic structures and pro-poor policies and　Swaziland should be able to make do with the money that the king and　his cronies presently use to live lives in luxury. Secondly, the　regime is easily shaken by outside pressure and critique, and the　recognition of the democratic movement will have a profound effect　within the country itself.

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